The Chilling Effect on Hong Kong Journalism
When police stormed the Apple Daily newsroom in 2021, journalists across Hong Kong witnessed more than just the collapse of a newspaper. They were observing their own future unfolding before them. Five years later, the conviction of the publication's founder, Jimmy Lai, on sedition charges has merely formalised a reality that had already taken root. The profound impact has long been embedded in daily editorial decisions – determining what can be written, who can speak, and how far journalists can push in their pursuit of truth.
A Landscape of Invisible Red Lines
What remains of journalism in the city involves editors identifying invisible boundaries, protecting staff, and ensuring reporting does not expose journalists or their sources. Meanwhile, reporters engage in widespread self-censorship to avoid government harassment and intimidation.
"Nothing has changed because everything has already changed. The changes are baked in," explains Tom Grundy, founding editor of Hong Kong Free Press. "Many Hong Kongers, from whatever side you're on, are reluctant to speak nowadays, and there are fewer opportunities to ask questions of the authorities."
Only a handful of journalists working in Hong Kong agreed to speak about these conditions, with several requesting anonymity due to fear of reprisal. Those interviewed, representing both local and foreign media organisations based in the city, described witnessing in real time a rapid erosion of press freedom in what was once one of Asia's most open media environments.
The Covert Mechanisms of Control
Selina Chang, chair of the Hong Kong Journalist Association, notes that stories questioning political power or the city's disciplinary forces have disappeared from local press, as these areas are now deemed highly sensitive. On the surface, working conditions appear calm: dramatic newsroom raids and sudden journalist arrests have diminished, with few overt acts of censorship.
Instead, she explains, more covert forms of coercion have emerged – anonymous letters accusing journalists of anti-China activities, threats of being reported to national security police, targeted tax audits, and gag orders preventing explanations about why publications have ceased.
"Authorities have continued to arrest and prosecute people over speech, sometimes over quite innocuous comments on the internet criticising the government or over certain political slogans. None of these used to be criminal in Hong Kong," Chang states. "They have moved to use other coercive methods covertly, so that people stop publishing or saying things in public."
International Pressure and Diplomatic Challenges
The looming sentencing of British billionaire Jimmy Lai, likely to life imprisonment, has intensified pressure on Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer. As the first UK leader to visit China in eight years, Starmer arrived in Beijing facing widespread calls to secure Lai's freedom during discussions with President Xi Jinping.
Critics of the Chinese government argue the guilty verdict against Lai, delivered after a 140-day trial, was predetermined. They maintain the elaborate courtroom proceedings should not be mistaken for genuine justice.
The National Security Law's Transformative Impact
The deterioration of press freedom in Hong Kong – with its global press freedom ranking dropping from 18th in 2002 to 140th currently – accelerated dramatically with the imposition of the national security law in 2020. This legislation, imposed directly by Beijing while bypassing Hong Kong's local legislature, criminalises acts of secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with foreign forces using deliberately vague language.
One of its first major impacts occurred in June 2021 when nearly 500 police officers raided Apple Daily offices. Lai and senior staff were arrested with assets worth £1.64 million frozen. The newspaper closed days later – described by journalists and critics as a "chilling blow to freedom of expression."
At least fourteen other media outlets have shut down since, with many individual journalists arrested according to Human Rights Watch. Stand News, once the city's most prominent pro-democracy outlet, saw its office raided, assets frozen, and its editors convicted of sedition two years later.
Expanding Pressure on International Media
A journalist working for a foreign outlet, speaking anonymously, reveals that pressure is no longer confined to local media. "International outlets are now part of the same calculation," he says, describing how the national security office called in representatives of all foreign media outlets to warn against anti-China activity following December's Tai Po fire.
"The national security law ushered a new era in Hong Kong which is now seeing a steady march towards becoming an integrated part of the authoritarian state," the journalist observes.
Unlike in mainland China, news outlets in Hong Kong now routinely consult lawyers before publication, highlighting the unpredictability of the national security framework. "That legal ambiguity has created a level of nervousness we've never seen before," he notes. "Almost every international media organisation now seeks legal advice before publishing stories related to figures like Jimmy Lai."
The 'Tea Drinking' Phenomenon
Reporters from local media outlets are being approached by national security police to "drink tea" – a euphemism long used in mainland China to call in journalists for questioning or threats.
"Drinking tea is framed as a polite invitation from national security police to have tea," the journalist explains. "But it is really a euphemism for a meeting in which a journalist is warned, questioned, or quietly threatened."
The intimidation extends beyond media members, with sources routinely withdrawing at the last minute, declining interviews, or insisting on anonymity. Some media organisations allege government representatives have contacted advertising departments to discourage certain coverage, threatening to withhold advertising budgets for non-compliance.
Official Denials and Media Responses
Officially, authorities deny any erosion of press freedom in Hong Kong. Coverage of Lai's trial by Hong Kong media closely followed court statements, with editorials in state-aligned outlets insisting the proceedings were fair and unrelated to journalism.
The South China Morning Post ran an editorial claiming the verdict "stands up to scrutiny" and rejecting claims it undermined judicial independence. The paper accused "the West" of misrepresenting the trial as an attack on press freedom. State media outlets including China Daily, Global Times and CGTN echoed this position, urging international media to retract what they called misleading criticism.
Lai's Personal Journey and Legacy
Before its closure, Apple Daily sold up to a million copies daily at its peak popularity – a circulation now presented as evidence of criminal conspiracy. Lai once explained he named the newspaper after the Bible's forbidden fruit, telling Lianhe Evening News: "If Eve hadn't bitten the forbidden fruit, there would be no sin, no right and wrong, and of course – no news."
Lai has repeatedly denied acting illegally, calling for sanctions on China, or inciting violence, insisting Apple Daily gave voice to Hong Kongers' desire for freedom.
Robert Sirico, a US-based Catholic priest and friend of Lai, argues "Lai's real offence is moral, not legal. He refused to be silent. And more remarkably, he refused to leave Hong Kong, even though he holds British citizenship. He was an uncompromising advocate of human freedom, but he was never treasonous."
The Broader Impact on Hong Kong Media
A journalist targeted over their work, speaking anonymously, emphasises the case extends beyond Lai personally. "Apple Daily and its publishing group meant a great deal not just to journalists, but to the entire media industry and to Hong Kong society," they state.
The journalist notes that while discussions focus on Lai as the owner and prominent figure, six other senior figures including journalists were arrested and convicted. "The crackdown on Apple Daily caused enormous damage to the industry. It was the first major action taken against a press group in Hong Kong. Hundreds of journalists lost their jobs, and some no longer felt secure living in the city and the country."
In addition to Lai, six former executives of Apple Daily and its parent company Next Digital were tried under the national security law, all pleading guilty to conspiracy to collude with foreign forces.
An Uncertain Future
For journalists still working in Hong Kong, Lai's case serves as a boundary marker rather than a story – a measure of how far speech can extend. Regarding the future of the city's press, Grundy expresses limited optimism but determination.
"But we are still here," he affirms. "For all the compromises we have to make, and for all the risks we have to face, we feel it's better to be in than out – to keep our ears to the ground and capture, with nuance, what is really happening inside the city."
