Andy Burnham, driven by ambition and a craving for public affection, has long awaited his moment to seize the Labour crown. Yet as destiny approaches, he appears ill-prepared, showing vagueness on policy and prickliness with journalists. These flaws were evident in his much-hyped speech in Manchester, where he talked grandly of 'rewiring Britain' and 'rebalancing' the economy for 'good growth in every postcode'. However, the address was an exercise in wishful thinking, with banal slogans substituting for a coherent plan. Speaking before an adoring audience of party faithful, from which journalists were excluded, Burnham became the Prince of Platitudes.
Vague Promises on Reindustrialisation
Burnham spoke excitedly about reindustrialising Britain without explaining how this could be achieved given the UK's high energy prices, partly due to the militant green agenda of his ally Ed Miliband. His credulous faith in the public sector—reflected in promises of renationalisation and a vast council housebuilding programme—showed no recognition of the state's dismal performance, weighed down by low productivity, trade union power, and weak management.
Decentralisation: A Flawed Ideal
Burnham's greatest failing is his worship of decentralisation, based on the belief that local mayors, assemblies, and councils can make better decisions than London-based politicians. In theory, this sounds good, but in practice, there is nothing inherently superior about regional government. Town halls in northern England were at the forefront of grooming gangs cover-ups, and local government is notorious for waste, bureaucracy, and overstaffing. Wales and Scotland have become citadels of parochial nationalism and sclerotic officialdom, despite Tony Blair's government beginning an experiment in English regional devolution with consultative chambers and a £2 billion network of Regional Development Agencies.
Public Rejection of Regional Devolution
The public never warmed to these agencies, rightly seeing them as expensive talking shops. In 2004, a referendum in the north-east to create a powerful elected regional body saw 79% vote against, with only 22% in favour. Decentralisation is no cost-free panacea; it can mean more taxes, subsidised gesture politics, and ideological authoritarianism, as seen with Ken Livingstone at the GLC and other Labour metropolitan authorities before their abolition in 1986—known as the 'Loony Left' for good reason.
The Case for an English Parliament
Amid his verbiage, Burnham omitted any reference to an English Parliament, the only sure way to remedy injustices created by devolution. English MPs have no say on devolved matters in Scotland and Wales, like healthcare and education, while Scottish and Welsh MPs can vote on the same matters in England. This unfairness is highlighted by London's greater generosity towards Scotland, where public spending is £2,500 per head higher than in England. Burnham has previously refused to support an English Parliament, preferring regional structures. But England lacks strong regional identities, and there is concern that the progressive establishment and EU are keen to push the regional angle to dilute England's powerful sense of identity, which is stronger today than in centuries. If Burnham truly believed in decentralisation, he would welcome this surge in English identity.
